Marching to a different drum *.

A political transition is a move towards the creation of a stable political order and, more importantly, sustainable democratic relations betweengroups within a new political structure. Establishing such an order becomes more challenging when the country is on the verge of becoming a failed state like Somalia or Afghanistan. This is due to lack ofcommon political loyalty and affiliation.
Similarly, in Nepal, it has not been easy to find a satisfactory political framework after many years of struggle. Hence, it requires extended negotiations and considerable compromise to find common political solutions. The design of the new political structure must reflect cultural practices and social experiences. Further, a mechanism to reconcile the incompatible demands of group interests should be explored in an ethnically divided country like Nepal.
Security and demilitarisation are essential pre-requisites for peace building. Control of violence and commitment to non-use of violence require demilitarisation. Continued violence may destroy intermediate and long-term reconstruction efforts. The experience of Namibia, Mozambique and other countries suggest that such demilitarisation andreintegration of ex-combatants into productive sectors of society are critical to the creation of a sustainable security environment .
In the post-conflict period after 2006, youths were mobilised very rapidly by the political parties to achieve their vested interest. This has posed a serious challenge to state security mechanism and the entire Nepali society. Increased coercive activities on a massive scale by mobilising the youth created the possibility of militarisation in the country. The youths are considered to be the backbone of a country and also agents of change. They are the future leaders of the country and are encouraged to join the non-productive military rather than focusing on education.
Instead, being an energetic segment of society, they should have been involved in constructive work. They should have been agents of peace and harmony and a mover of development. In contrast, Nepali youths are eager to join the militant or youth wings of the political parties for easy livelihood or to go abroad to work as migrant workers for easy money. Unless the youths are encouraged to work for national development with appropriate industrial and development policies, no stability can be guaranteed.
After the signing of the peace agreement in 2006, many armed groups came into existence. These militarised youth wings of the political parties have created a severe security threat to Nepali society. These wings are not only guided by political ideology, they also engage in illegal activities like extortion and hooliganism. In the Nepali context, militarisation of youth refers to the process of their radicalisation for illegitimate activities. These illegitimate activities include intimidation, violence and power abuse under political protection. The youth often use these activities as a tool to fulfil the desires of their parent parties or organisations.
The Young Communist League (YCL) of the Maoist party claims that it hashalf a million members of which 50,000 are active in the party. Around 7,000 members are working as full-timers. The Youth Force of the CPN-UML claims to have 600,000 members. Tarun Dal of the Nepali Congress has an almost equal number of members. Due to such militarisation of young people, national development and democratic stability have not been achieved even after the signing of the peace accord in 2006.
Mohan Baidya, chairman of the recently formed CPN-Maoist, said that the Ichchhuk Cultural Academy, an organisation of volunteers of the party, will produce a large number of cultural combatants to protect the deteriorating feeling of national independence of Nepal. Notwithstanding the ground reality, the split in the UCPN (Maoist) has further radicalised the extreme revolutionary path in Nepal, encouraging youths to join such groups thereby further militarising society. While uncertainty over the integration of ex-Maoist combatantsinto the Nepal Army persists, creation of another radical party may pull the peace process backward, leading the country deeper into anarchy and chaos.
In 1996, Janamorcha Nepal (a Maoist sister organisation) submitted a 40-point demand to the then prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, and subsequently the Maoists launched their armed struggle. CPN-Maoist chairman Mohan Baidya plans to submit a similar demand to Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai. A cycle of the Maoist rebellion is likely to be set in motion under Baidya’s leadership against Bhattarai’s administration.
For instance, workers of the UCPN (Maoist) and Baidya’s CPN-Maoist clashed over possession of the party office in Chitwan on June 30 which saw 18 of them get injured. The incident is an indication that the breakaway Maoist party of Baidya and the UCPN (Maoist) under Pushpa Kamal Dahal are likely to be engaged in strong rivalry which may increase tension in the days to come.